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Subject: Feith and Perle's Denial of Edmonds' Story is Hilarous
(IASPS)
Date: Oct 21, 2009 9:21 PM
New:
http://www.military.com/news/article/ex-fbi-translator-claims-spying-at-dod..html
Here, below, are the actionplans
for the USA as written by the
Israelis in the late 1990s. They
include Caspian pipelines through
Turkey, and they are about Russia
*not* aligning with Iran to control
all the oil.
Now, the reason the USDOJ does not
investigate Perle and Feith based
on Edmonds' allegation is because
of the role this Israeli gang played
in the 911 stunt- they were HELPING
America to wake up, as they say, here,
below:
"This is a reaction to a perception of two things: one, that the
United States is a hostile and predatory power which seeks the break-
up of the Russian Federation; two: that the US for all its power is
weakminded."
http://www.iasps.org/caspian/russiairan.htm
Get it?
http://www.actionlyme.org/PNAC.pdf
These Israelis decided we need a little
pep talk and get on the stick, here, with
the pipelines and the money that Perle
and Feith were to be in receipt of, once
they helped make deals with Turkey.
It was about CAPITALIZING PERSONALLY
on the War Agenda Israel thunk up for
America, because these Israelis thought
we Americans were weak-minded. Which is
very true, because look what happened:
911/WTC7 was obviously a controlled
demolition.
http://www.actionlyme.org/070426.htm
Twice scientists have proven scientifically
that thermate (including FEMA) and nanothermate
were in the 911/WTC debris. Additionally,
"the government" has agreed that the acceleration
due to gravity took place during the fall of
WTC7.
That only means one thing.
Controlled Demolition.
So, who are the dummies, us or the people
who thunk up the 3-for-2 WTC Airplanes Show?
Perle and Feith and all this gang were
involved in the 911 stunt and the Turkish
Pipeline deals which were to take place while,
allegedly, Russia was in a funk after 1989...
Perle and Feith were in it for the
pipelines money and they were involved
in the 911 stunt.
As was Dick Cheney.
- - - -
Sibel and the Feith/Perle Denials:
http://www.military.com/news/article/ex-fbi-translator-claims-spying-at-dod..html
The Israeli-Turkish Connection in 1999:
http://www.iasps.org/caspian/russiairan.htm
Recent Noteworthy Developments
By Paul Michael Wihbey
December 4, 1999
Russia and the Caspian:
The recent OSCE summit in Istanbul was marked by a new demarcation
line of emerging geopolitical significance between a newly assertive
Russia and the United States. This confrontation marks an historic
turning point in US-Russian relations within the context of the post-
Cold War era. In fact, just prior to the summit, Russian declaratory
policy was enunciated by no less a figure than Defense Minister Igor
Sergeyev, speaking on behalf of the Russian leadership, “The West’s
policy is a challenge to Russia with the aim of weakening its
international position and ousting it from strategically important
regions of the world, above all the Caspian region, trans-Caucasus and
Central Asia.” [Fox News, November 12, 1999] This statement was
backed by clear and ominous signals to the West that Russia has
revised its policy in order to counter US involvement in the Caspian
energy-producing region, including;
· Test-firing two SS-21 short-range missiles to protest
the US intention to abrogate the ABM treaty in favor of a defensive
missile shield
· Test-firing several submarine-based launches of nuclear-
capable missiles with a range of 3,000 miles
· Attacks by Russian helicopter gunships, firing unguided
missiles and machine guns, inside the territory of Georgia near the
town of Shatili [location of a key border-control installation]
· Stated intention by the head of Russia’s long-range
aviation forces to resume long-range bomber flights to Cuba and
Vietnam
Russia’s new doctrine of an aggressive geopolitical posture resulted
in urgent national security discussions at the White House, which
stemmed from the realization that not only was US interest in the
Caspian being threatened but larger US global and strategic issues
were at stake, including the ABM amendment. Despite direct talks
between Clinton and Yeltsin in Istanbul and before that with the
Russian Prime Minister Putin in Norway, the Administration failed to
secure concessions from Russia in its military campaign to subjugate
Chechnya. The White House, despite the signing of inter-governmental
agreements to build the Baku-Ceyhan pipeline at the OSCE summit, is
now groping to redefine its policy towards Russia, as well as its over-
arching geopolitical objectives throughout the Caucasus and Central
Asia. The war in Chechnya is multi-dimensional since it serves a host
of Russian national security needs, including the domination of the
Caspian region, redressing the strategic nuclear balance with the
United States, and undermining US interests in the Middle East.
Finally, due in no small part to IASPS output on this issue, the
mainstream media is finally beginning to take notice. “But the war has
another aim: Yeltsin and company want to regain control of the North
Caucasus in order to make sure that Russia plays a decisive role in
the transportation of Caspian oil and gas. There is growing Russian
resentment over the US backing for the Eurasian energy corridor, the
two pipelines that are planned to carry Caspian oil and gas to Western
markets through Turkey.” [Lally Weymouth, Washington Post, November
29, 1999]
The Russian drive southward, exemplified by the Russian military
campaign in Chechnya and increasing stress on the southern Caucasus
states of Georgia and Azerbaijan, was correctly evaluated in IASPS
Research Papers in Strategy nol., 8 (April 1999):“The Southern
Eurasian Great Game.” Note this drive took place at the same time the
United States was pursuing a policy of funding the Russian treasury
with great amounts of IMF funds. The hope or policy was Russia would
use this money to pursue US national security objectives relating to
arms control and economic development. US policy has clearly failed.
The question of ‘who lost Russia’ will be debated by scholars,
perhaps many of the same ones who supported the funding policy, in
the years to come. But one thing is clear now: Russia can no longer
be considered a third-rate transitional state. The United States
seriously needs to re-evaluate its relationship with Russia and the
focus of that re-assessment must take place within the framework of US
and Allied interests in the Caspian region.
Iran and the Caspian:
The signing of the pipeline protocols by Turkey, Georgia, Azerbaijan,
and Turkmenistan to build oil and gas pipelines from the Caspian to
Turkey provoked vehement protest from Iran. The Iranians recognized
that these agreements, if implemented, would cut out Iran and lessen
the dependence of the Central Asian states on Iran’s strategic ally,
Russia. An eloquent statement to this effect was issued through the
official Iranian news agency, IRNA, on November 19th.
“By excluding Iran and Russia, the United States is exacting revenge
on Iran for its opposition to the injustices perpetrated by Washington
and Tel Aviv against the indigenous people of Palestine…Washington is
also trying to further weaken the Russian economy by depriving it of
potential revenues from pipeline transit fees and in the process help
Turkey to recover its losses resulting from the closure of its
pipeline through Iraq.”
The Iranian statement seems to be a genuine reflection of the
hostility generated in Teheran against a nascent American attempt to
undermine the geostrategic blueprint that Iran and Russia have agreed
upon with respect to joint hegemony over the Caspian and Persian Gulf
energy-producing regions. The Iranians are lobbying hard to subvert
the Baku-Ceyhan energy corridor. What they want instead, is their own
pipeline option that runs from the Caspian to Iranian terminals on the
Persian Gulf. Several major oil companies, including Shell and Conoco,
are pressuring the Administration to lift sanctions on Iran in the
hopes of securing concessions to the Iranian oil sector and,
possibly involving themselves in the lucrative pipeline alternative
for the delivery of Caspian oil. “Conoco does not believe any western
company should be punished unilaterally by the United States for
participating in the economy of Iran. We do believe that such economic
engagement is vital in order to restore relations between our two
governments. Reports of the participation by Shell once again
illustrate that the US unilateral sanctions policy only serves to
eliminate US companies from global competition and do not achieve the
effect desired by Washington.” [Statement by A.W. Dunham, Conoco
Chairman & CEO, Business Wire, November 15, 1999]
Summation:
The signing of the pipeline agreements in Istanbul between Turkey,
Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Turkmenistan, during the OSCE summit, is an
important but tentative step forward to a new regional architecture.
This aim is the essence of Western strategic interest. IASPS has
stressed this point, in connection with others dealing with the
Persian Gulf and the Gulf of Guinea, as the main theme of our Caspian
project.
Still, the Great Game continues unabated. Russia and its allies,
notably Iran, Iraq and Syria, now have a coherent campaign to blunt
and eventually eliminate Western influences throughout southern
Eurasia. The recent decision by Iraq to cease oil exports, even
temporarily, is a tremendous boost for Russian oil revenues, and it is
likely that this Iraqi decision was taken in consultation with
Saddam’s Russian advisers residing in Baghdad.
Similarly, the recent report from the Israeli GSS that Hizbullah,
Hamas, and Islamic Jihad are training in Russia, and that the Syrian
air force has used Mig-23s to live-test chemical-capable bombs
[Washington Times, November 30, 1999] strongly suggests that Israeli
security as well as regional stability is being actively targeted by
the Russian/Iranian plan of action to re-assert regional control. The
Russian military and security establishments have effectively resumed
their authority over the Kremlin.
This is a reaction to a perception of two things: one, that the
United States is a hostile and predatory power which seeks the break-
up of the Russian Federation; two: that the US for all its power is
weakminded. This second observation is based on the geopolitical
realities of declining US strategic interests in the Persian Gulf,
tenuous American initiatives in the Caspian and Central Asia, and
recognition that US vision of Russia as a new liberal democracy
hurtling towards a free-market economy are unrealistic.
Russia's place in US policy was the subject of IASPS Strategic
Fellow Wihbey’s recent remarks at the annual Assembly of Turkish
American Associations Convention in Washington.
“I believe Russia, with Chinese support will take advantage of an
emerging security vacuum to extend its influence back into the
Southern Eurasian heartland. Other contributing factors to this
strategic impulse, I suggest, involve the perception of neo-
isolationist tendencies in the United States; an American
unwillingness to accept further deployments (i.e., East Timor); a risk-
averse US Administration reluctant to take further foreign policy
initiatives during the presidential electoral-cycle, and; Moscow’s
exploitation of domestic Russian popular sentiment demanding
retribution for recent terrorist bombings.”
KMDickson
http://www.actionlyme.org
"[Real] scientists are *fiercely* independent. That's the good
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