| |
 |
|
|
Science Forum Index » Psychology - Psychotherapy Forum » Koochers Kooks And The Sale of Justice
Page 1 of 1
|
| Author |
Message |
| mmmm |
 Posted: Tue Jan 16, 2007 3:30 pm |
|
|
|
Guest
|
http://villagevoice.com/news/0703,barrett,75548,2.html
The Sales of Justice
In the dark corridors of Brooklyn politics, a State Supreme Court judgeship
sells for $50,000 stuffed in an envelope, and $6,000 in postage stamps
by Wayne Barrett
January 13th, 2007 1:37 PM
Justice for Sale in Brooklyn
The haunting whisper in the courthouse corridors of Brooklyn was heard for
so many decades it became an axiom, as unchallenged as it was unproven.
It wasn't just that a case could be fixed. The darker secret was that the
bench itself had been bought,
{....}
Norman Chesler's biggest in every way. By his own account, his weight
reached 525 pounds and his income reached $1.2 million. He claimed that his
Boro Medical and Psychological Treatment Services and associated firms had
13 trauma mills located all over the city, and were doing box-office
business in personal injury cases, including auto and other accidents. He
loved to dazzle business associates with his flashy ultra-large custom
suits, brand-new Jeep Laredo, and expensive spreads at Lundy's, the Brooklyn
bayfront restaurant where he would slip quick-toed waiters twenties for
shrimp cocktails and drinks. In a county still filled with Runyonesque
characters, Chesler remained remarkable, a high-volume head-case chaser,
plying legal and political connections for trauma referrals, as ubiquitous
as he was ingratiating.
He was the brains behind his high-sounding professional outfits, which also
included Ascension Therapeutic and Tower Biofeedback and Hypnotherapy. But
his own specialty was as a sex therapist; the best evidence of his expertise
was the beautiful woman on his rather hefty arm. He called himself a doctor,
and said he had a Ph.D. from Greenwich University-which was in Australia,
not Connecticut. Closed since 2003, Greenwich was once a correspondence
school, but wasn't accredited by Australian authorities. Chesler has been
certified by the American Association of Sex Educators, Counselors, and
Therapists (AASECT) for years, but no government entities certify
sexologists except in Florida, and an official at AASECT says its
certification of Chesler is based primarily on his Greenwich degree.
Everyone who got to know the gregarious Chesler in Brooklyn politics in the
late '90s, when he became a contributor and gadfly, assumed that his
doctorate had something to do with the psychological services his company
provided. As mistaken as they were about that, the elected party and public
officials who met him at fundraisers and other events were right about the
two other things they remembered about him. He "wasn't kosher," as they put
it, and he was "the main man" behind Ruditzky's 2001 campaign-first, for
Civil Court re-election, and then for party designation to the State Supreme
Court.
Chesler, who calls the judge "Rudy," is Ruditzky's cousin, and his mother
was once very close to Ruditzky's mother. He made re-electing Ruditzky to
his civil court post a centerpiece of his life that year, donating to the
judge's committee, pigeonholing party leaders involved in judicial politics,
and working actively in his campaign. Since there were two countywide civil
court positions up for election in 2001, Ruditzky was running with Mark
Partnow, a candidate out of the borough's high-powered Jefferson Club.
So Chesler began visiting the club, buying pizza for the volunteers stuffing
envelopes, and supplying stamps for the joint mailings. He sometimes went
there with Ruditzky, and he even wound up spending primary day with the
judge, on opposite corners of the same busy intersection, handing out
literature. Chesler later blamed Ruditzky's loss on his cousin being a
"nebbish who wasn't a real player," and thought no one with real power did
much to help the campaign.
Ruditzky wasn't planning on serving if he'd been re-elected anyway. Norman
had promised to include Ruditzky on the slate he would submit to the
nominating convention for Supreme Court a week after the Civil Court
election. If Ruditzky moved up, that would leave the Civil Court position
vacant, creating an opportunity for Norman to handpick a replacement for
that slot without the candidate having to run in a primary. Norman planned
to fill Ruditzky's vacancy with Richard Goldberg, the law partner of Steve
Cohn, the secretary of the county party. But Ruditzky's last-place finish in
a field of four obliterated the vacancy he was supposed to deliver to
Norman, leaving Norman with nothing to offer Goldberg other than the Supreme
Court seat promised Ruditzky. It looked like the end of the road for
Ruditzky.
But Chesler had already been assiduously pushing Norman on Ruditzky's
behalf. He'd donated $4,900 to two Norman committees and thousands more to
Norman-tied candidates. More important, Chesler had arranged a few
face-to-face meetings with Norman, including two at Gage & Tollner, the
since-closed downtown restaurant that was then just a couple of blocks from
Norman's party offices. One had been with Norman and Ravi Batra, a Manhattan
lawyer who employed Norman on a consulting basis and picked up the tab for
Norman's Mercedes. The other was with Norman and Jeff Feldman, who was
Norman's top party aide.
According to Chesler, the meetings served two purposes. First, he wanted
Norman to use his influence with personal-injury lawyers to get business for
Boro Medical. Second, he asked at both meetings about his cousin's prospects
for the court position. Norman made a meaningless referral for him to one
attorney, who produced a single case, and Batra sent him no business.
Chesler was so serious about securing liability referrals through Norman
that he sublet office space from a Norman-connected firm on Court Street
across from the courthouse. While Norman did little to boost Chesler's
business, he did tell Chesler that "if Ruditzky wins re-election, we'll
elevate him" to Supreme. Norman also indicated that Chesler "still had to
give more help" to the party if Norman was "to help your cousin." He said
"we could use money for activities in my community," and suggested that
Chesler attend dinners, make contributions, and buy ads in journals.
Norman went well beyond the standard quid pro quo for campaign
contributions. He began talking to Chesler about $3,000 wheels of stamps on
sprockets that could be purchased at a General Post Office. Norman wanted
two. Chesler's driver took him to a Bronx post office and he picked up the
rolls, which reminded him of the movie wheels in old theaters. He didn't
understand why Norman dealt in this mysterious new form of political
currency, but he knew the stamps could be redeemed as easily as they could
be bought. The party had its own Pitney Bowes machine and could buy postage
easily. When Chesler called Norman from his Court Street office and said he
had the wheels, "Clarence, boom, came right over," entering Boro Medical's
office on the side and leaving with the rolls in a large bag.
About a week later, Norman called Chesler and complained that the stamps
"weren't peeling off one of the rolls." Chesler returned the wheel and
bought $3,000 worth of individual stamps. Norman came back to get them. If
the stamps were actually used for political mailings, Norman would have been
required by law to list them as sizable in-kind contributions from Chesler;
a check of campaign records shows that he never has.
Shortly after the stamps were picked up and a couple of weeks before the
scheduled September 11 primary, Chesler went to a Norman fundraiser at El
Caribe, a large Brooklyn banquet hall. He remembers Feldman approaching him
and telling him, "Clarence would like a word with you." He and Feldman
walked out of the restaurant and onto a small landing that faced the valet
parking lot. Norman said: "We are in need of additional help." Chesler asked
again what "the chances" were of Ruditzky becoming a supreme court judge.
Feldman said Ruditzky was "too dumb to go to supreme," provoking a hostile
exchange with Chesler. When Feldman went back inside, Norman "popped the
question, saying he wanted $50,000." He told Chesler the money was required
in order for Norman to help him out "with his practice," not because of
Ruditzky.**
Norman told him he would "get back" to him "about the circumstances" of
payment, and Chesler made it clear he could not make such a large payment at
one time. Chesler says that Norman began simultaneously soliciting another
$50,000 from Ruditzky himself, telling the judge at one meeting that he had
to come up with $50,000 "to hire legal, advertising, and other people"
suggested by the party. When Ruditzky told Chesler about Norman's demand,
Chesler told him: "You're nuts. You're not giving them a dime." Chesler says
he "thought Clarence would take care of my cousin because of everything I
was giving," even though it was ostensibly connected to his business.
Soon after the El Caribe conversation, Norman appeared again in Chesler's
office to get the first $25,000, which Chesler handed him "wrapped in a
large brown envelope without any conversation." Chesler says Norman sent
Andrews to pick up the second $25,000, but his recollection of Andrews's
role is less certain because he says he doesn't know Andrews well, recalling
two prior occasions he thinks he saw him. He is certain it was a black man
who said he was Carl and that he was "from Clarence." Other sources have
told the Voice that Andrews was allegedly involved in one of the stamp
transactions, not a cash pickup. Andrews says he doesn't know Chesler or his
company, never heard of stamp wheels, and made no such pickup for Norman.
Andrews insists that he has never been questioned by Hynes's office about
any of this and cites that as evidence of his innocence. Spitzer's office
says it knew nothing about the questions raised about Andrews's possible
conduct.
Chesler cannot put a date on any of the payoffs, but bank records reviewed
by the Voice reveal a series of withdrawals that Chesler made from Boro
Medical between July and November 2001, totaling $43,950. The withdrawals do
not appear related to Chesler's salary. The biggest withdrawals-one for
$13,000 and one for $5,000-came two days after Ruditzky lost the primary on
September 25, the rescheduled date after the postponement of the September
11 election. The second-largest withdrawals followed the judicial convention
that nominated Ruditzky (even after his primary loss, to the surprise of
most Court Street insiders). The
New York Post has reported that prosecutors have found that Norman was
making yearly unexplained $50,000 cash deposits in his personal account for
five years, starting in the late '90s.
Notations contained in the same small package of documents with the record
of Chesler's withdrawals, also reviewed by the Voice, indicate that he made
"contributions for future considerations" and that "when Rudy and Partnow
were not elected, I asked that the dollars be used for the judgeships." The
contributions "I gave Clarence Norman," the notations said, "should be used
to help Partnow and Rudy be considered." Partnow, however, was never a
Chesler priority and wasn't elevated to the high court until 2002. Chesler's
notes also said that "CN"-a reference to Norman-"asked for Rudy to come up
and give 50k for services," adding that "since they weren't getting it on
their own, they asked for help."
While the notes establish the connection between the payments and the
judgeship, so does the timing, as imprecise as Chesler is about it. He says
he is sure he didn't make the second "25 large" payment to Norman until
after Ruditzky was elected that November. Once Ruditzky won the Democratic
nomination at the October convention, his November general election victory
was a formality. But Chesler waited until it actually happened.
Chesler began cooperating with Hynes's office after he was indicted in two
no-fault car insurance scams by then state attorney general Eliot Spitzer's
office. He pled guilty to felonies in 2005 in both cases, appeared in
Hynes's grand jury last summer, and is scheduled for sentencing next month.
While Chesler's case file has been sealed, the charges against Dr. Naum
Vaisman, a Russian neurologist and psychologist who acted as the director of
Boro Medical, suggest the nature of Chesler's scheme. Vaisman's indictment
said he was "the purported owner" of Boro, but added that the company "was,
in reality, owned and controlled by a separately charged individual," an
apparent reference to Chesler.
Vaisman was accused of submitting "fraudulent no-fault claims to insurance
carriers for psychological services which either were never provided to
patients or were not medically necessary." Many of the false claims occurred
in the spring and summer of 2001, when Chesler was hustling for Ruditzky.
Vaisman pled guilty in Brooklyn and Queens cases, and his felony conviction
cost him his medical license. Vaisman told the Voice that Chesler convinced
him to sign the incorporation papers for Boro and dragged him to fundraisers
to meet politicians like Norman. "He would present me as the medical
director of his whole business because I looked good and spoke in an
intelligent way," said Vaisman, "but actually I knew nothing that was going
on." He claims that Chesler ran the companies out of a basement apartment,
sent a car service to take him to clinics to see patients, and sublet space
in these clinics to snare referrals.
In the Queens indictment, Vaisman was named as a participant in a 36-member
ring that defrauded millions from insurance companies by staging sham auto
accidents. Prosecutors alleged that this "fraud factory" was run "under the
protection of the Bonanno crime family" and was managed in part by Joe
Fratta, a Bonanno associate whom Vaisman says he never met.
The Voice was the first to report on the oddity of Ruditzky's elevation
("This Clarence Is No Clown," March 27, 2002). "Court Street insiders could
not think of another occasion," we wrote then, "when a losing Civil Court
nominee was rewarded with the top plum."
The story also pointed out that Ruditzky's record was "so spotty" that he
was one of the few Brooklyn Civil Court judges temporarily assigned to sit
in Supreme and yanked out after spending as little as six months there.
Because of the heavy Supreme Court case-load, it's common that Civil Court
judges are moved up to acting Supreme Court positions by state judicial
officials. But it's very uncommon that they are quickly rotated out of
Supreme, as Ruditzky was in 1999, reportedly due to his perceived
shortcomings.
But neither Ruditzky's electoral loss nor his unusually sudden reassignment
diminished Norman's enthusiasm for him in 2001, upsetting even party
stalwarts like Steve Cohn. The party's executive committee-which consists of
the leaders elected in each assembly district-met before the judicial
convention, as it always does, to vote on the slate selected by Norman.
Cohn, who was the leader in Williamsburg and had just unsuccessfully run for
a City Council seat, raised questions at the committee meeting, which is
rarely done. Others were miffed as well.
What made Norman's determination to go ahead with Ruditzky doubly strange
was that no district leaders were actually championing him. All five of the
other nominees on the approved slate were put on the table by district
leaders, as was the party's custom. The Carroll Gardens leaders pushed for
Joe Bruno, Al Vann and the black leaders for Bert Bunyan, Joe Bova and the
Italian leaders for Patricia DiMango, Angel Rodriguez for Allen
Hurkin-Torres, and Staten Island county leader John Lavelle for Tom Aliotta.
But the leaders who put Ruditzky in play for Civil Court in 1991 were no
longer leaders. All he had going for him 10 years later were a couple of
Orthodox rabbis.
The controversy quickly evaporated, only to return three years later. On
November 15, 2004, Jack Newfield, a former Voice senior editor who had gone
to work at The New York Sun, learned that Hynes had startling new
information about the Ruditzky elevation. A source in the Brooklyn courts
well known to Newfield told him, according to notes Newfield took that day,
that Hynes had "broken the code on how judgeships are sold in Brooklyn."
Newfield died a month later, but his notes indicated that Judge Michael
Garson "flipped after he was indicted" but before his indictment was
actually filed and told Hynes's office about thousands in payments that
Norman had taken on behalf of Ruditzky. The source, who is named in the
notes, said that after Garson "was told to surrender at 6 a.m." on charges
involving his alleged theft from the trust fund of an ailing aunt, he told
Hynes's assistants "what he really knew."
The source was so upbeat about Garson's cooperation he told Newfield that
the D.A. "was sitting" there with "four aces." Since Feldman, Chesler, and
Ruditzky had yet to come forward, the source's "four aces" comment,
referring then only to the case-making value of Garson's information, would
prove to be a prophetic count.
News reports in 2005 revealed that Hynes decided not to file the indictment
against Garson for six months and that the judge wore a wire for prosecutors
and engaged Ruditzky, and possibly others, in taped conversations about the
payments. In early 2003, Hynes had arrested Garson's cousin Gerald, who was
also a Norman-anointed Supreme Court judge, on charges that he'd taken boxes
of expensive cigars, airline tickets, high-priced meals, and cash from
attorneys practicing before him, some of it documented on videotape shot in
his robing room. Gerald Garson was the first to blow the whistle on
judgeship-buying in talks with Hynes's office, and he also agreed to wire
up. But his arrest had attracted so much publicity, he got nothing out of
taped conversations with a Norman associate. Unable to cut a deal with
prosecutors, he is scheduled to go on trial in March, having lost a hotly
contested appeal.
By not filing the Mike Garson indictment for months, Hynes was apparently
able to get much more from his taped exchanges with Ruditzky than he got
from Gerry Garson's undercover efforts. In sharp contrast with Hynes's
continuing pursuit of Gerry Garson, Mike Garson was allowed to draw his full
salary for more than two years after the grand jury voted to indict him,
with Hynes agreeing to postpone his trial again and again. Hynes's
willingness to delay the case allowed OCA to continue paying Garson, though
state officials did suspend him from sitting on the bench. His term expired
in 2006 and he did not seek re-election.
The terms of Hynes's final deal with Garson are still unclear, but his
office's overall handling of the judge indicates that they still regard him
as an "ace," suggesting that Garson's 2004 taped seduction of Ruditzky
worked and led, in part, to Ruditzky's current cooperating posture. Chesler
believes that Garson also first tipped Hynes about the pivotal role Chesler
played for Ruditzky, prompting them to reach out to him. He says he ran into
Garson at a diner when Garson was wearing the wire and that Garson "pointed
at his chest," convincing Chesler to stick to small talk and move on.
In addition to his deal with Hynes, Garson has also managed to narrow his
financial exposure in the civil case involving the fund. A 2006 report of
the court guardian indicates that Garson only had to repay the fund $90,000
"out of estimated debt of twice that sum." With Garson cooperating, Hynes
did not oppose the dramatic reduction of the 2004 judgment. Indeed, the
report indicates that Garson's criminal case may have actually helped him
slice the restitution payment, noting that he "lacks the resources" to pay
more, in part because "he is under indictment and his counsel fees are
undoubtedly large."
Garson's aunt Sarah Gershenoff, who was 93 when she died nearly destitute in
2005, gave her two nephews power of attorney a decade ago to oversee her
nearly million-dollar trust. But as the Daily News reported, she was writing
them $50 birthday checks at the same time that, unbeknownst to her, they
were making as much as $50,000 withdrawals from her account.
Not only did Norman put the Garsons on the bench, he also helped install
Gerry Garson's wife, Robin, on the Civil Court, a mark of the clannish
excess of the Norman reign. Gerry Garson was the treasurer of the Brooklyn
party and Mike Garson was a district leader before Norman made them judges.
Mike Garson's wife, Laurie, is still a leader. Robin Garson was granted
immunity from prosecution to testify before the grand jury investigating
Mike Garson, and remains a sitting judge. Ironically, she was an attorney
who helped Ruditzky in a petition battle in 2001, as was Alan Rocoff, who
was Mike Garson's law partner and close associate. Norman's party was just
that kind of closed circle of insiders and relatives, with cash fueling some
decisions, and no pretense of merit.
In addition to Mike Garson, another apparent "ace" in Hynes's deck is
Feldman, the nuts-and-bolts operative who seems to literally live inside the
party's small offices at 16 Court, having held the same top staff position
under Norman's predecessor Howard Golden as he did under Norman.
Predictably, his wife is a Supreme Court judge. Feldman long occupied a
position on the New York State Senate payroll and has already been a
cooperating witness in one grand jury probe-the one that led to the
indictment of his then boss, Democratic Senate leader Manfred Ohrenstein.
Feldman was indicted on 22 counts in the case against Norman, set for trial
later this month. Hynes agreed a couple of months ago to drop all of the
charges against Feldman, without getting him to plead even to a misdemeanor.
This extraordinary break is a measure of the value Hynes initially assigned
to Feldman's cooperation.
Not only can Feldman confirm portions of the Chesler conversations with
Norman, he can also add testimony about his own call to Norman the night
Ruditzky lost the primary. Feldman has told prosecutors about the rules of
what he calls the "backfill." He says he told Norman that since Ruditzky "no
longer had a vacancy to give back to the system," he should not be promoted
to Supreme. Feldman was already "imagining alternatives," including the
selection of Goldberg. But he was "shocked," he has told Hynes's office,
when Norman immediately announced that he "had a deal in place with Ruditzky
and was going to keep the deal," a position he maintained when Feldman
raised the issue again in subsequent conversations.
Feldman has insisted in his meetings with Hynes's office that he knows
nothing about payoffs, just the Ruditzky-tinged solicitation of Chesler
contributions. It's not clear if Hynes is fully satisfied with Feldman's
cooperation, and if not, Feldman could face new charges.
Chesler, whose gastric bypass surgery and convictions have left him a shadow
of his former self, has clearly become the third "ace" in Hynes's deck.
While Chesler's criminal past is an invitation to cross- examination, much
of his story, including the stamp wheel purchases, is supported by records.
And he insists he is a changed man. But he also maintains that he never told
Ruditzky about the payments he made to Norman, so it's unclear what the
ultimate ace, Ruditzky himself, has said about Chesler's payments or any
other payments that could bring the total to as much as $70,000. The judge
could confirm what he told Chesler about Norman's separate shakedown of him
for $50,000 in advertising, legal, and other costs.
Ruditzky's campaign did pay Norman's party attorney, Israel Goldberg,
$18,000, and another lawyer tied to the organization, Gerald Dunbar, $5,000,
and two of the lawyers who actually handled the extensive litigation
involving Ruditzky's petitions can't recall any real work either did. The
party's attorney usually provides petition advice to incumbents without
charge.
Ruditzky is the fourth judge snared by Hynes, a record for any New York
district attorney. Hynes is showing the prosecutorial flexibility to make a
case that makes history, cutting deals with his eye squarely on the goal of
cleaning out not just a corrupt courthouse, but a corrupt courthouse system.
The special prosecutor in the notorious racial murder case in Howard Beach,
Queens, in 1986, Hynes authored a book that caught him reminiscing about his
early days as a rackets prosecutor in Brooklyn. Hynes described the borough
as "a squalid world of crooked cops and sleazy politicians, a world with no
heroes." Two decades later, he is closer now than anyone with the power of a
subpoena has ever been to disinfecting that squalid world. |
|
|
| Back to top |
|
| Dr. Wee Hung Lo |
| Posted: Tue Jan 16, 2007 7:37 pm |
|
|
|
Guest
|
"mmmm" <indomitable2@netzero.com> wrote in message
news:sJ9rh.15211$X72.14601@newsread3.news.pas.earthlink.net...
:
: The Sales of Justice
Give it up linda, ya phony baloney. |
|
|
| Back to top |
|
| mmmm |
| Posted: Wed Jan 17, 2007 12:21 am |
|
|
|
Guest
|
Top alert issued against complex
After second person is found starving, county ordered to make immediate
changes
By MEG KISSINGER
*Milwaukee, Wisconsin . 23, 2006
http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=545446
On going coverage for the past year of Koochers Kooks "care" of Milwaukee's
psychiatric patients.
Mentally ill suffer deadly neglect
BY MEG KISSINGER
Preyed upon by opportunists and neglected by the people we pay to care for
them, hundreds of Milwaukee's mentally ill people are fending for
themselves. It's killing them - literally.
http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=409208
A hauntingly familiar tale
Georgia Rawlings' story reverberates across the years
By MEG KISSINGER
http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=409370
Multimedia:
Georgia's story;
http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=408364#main
The caregivers;
http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=408590#main
Behind the story
http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=408591#main
Promise of care made but broken
BY MEG KISSINGER
How did filthy homes with questionable landlords and long lists of building
code violations become acceptable housing for people with mental illness?
March 20, 2006
http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=409442
What can be done?
BY MEG KISSINGER
A host of steps can be taken to make sure people with mental illness live in
safe places. One of the first: Local bureaucrats need to stop ignoring the
problem and blaming each other.
March 21, 2006
http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=409576
Milwaukee County calls emergency
http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=409572
Editorial: A test for a just society
http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=409538
ONGOING COVERAGE
Steps taken to aid mentally ill - March 22, 2006
http://www.jsonline.com/story/?id=409932
300 meet to push for better living conditions for mentally ill - March 24,
2006
http://www.jsonline.com/story/?id=410395
Sunday Symposium: A duty to the mentally ill - March 26, 2006
http://www.jsonline.com/story/?id=410572
Ejected from hospitals, patients have no parachute - March 31, 2006
http://www.jsonline.com/story/?id=412226
James M.Hill: The stigma of mental illness - April 2, 2006
http://www.jsonline.com/story/?id=412455
Federal funding cuts could hurt hundreds - April 4, 2006
http://www.jsonline.com/story/?id=413016
County panel hears appeal for improved housing - April 6, 2006
http://www.jsonline.com/story/?id=413560
State senate panel promises help - April 7, 2006
http://www.jsonline.com/story/?id=413899
Living conditions no better in homes found for patients - May 11, 2006
http://www.jsonline.com/story/?id=422666
Decision must wait on rooming house - May 19, 2006
http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=425148
County looking at St. Mike's - May 25, 2006
http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=432639
State fines woman operating unlicensed group home - June 7, 2006
http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=433550
Rooming house gets two years to shape up - June 9, 2006
Making a home amid the squalor
BY MEG KISSINGER
Months after filthy living conditions were exposed and vows of action were
made, an analysis finds hundreds of county patients living in places with
health and safety flaws.
July 9 , 2006
http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=459291
Family frustrated by system
http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=459265
Sideshow: A sampling of the some of the properties that house the mentally
ill
http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=459330
A promise to do more - July 14, 2006
http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=466974
Building owner wonders if death could've been prevented - July 20, 2006
http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=474288
County drops landlords - July 21, 2006
http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=474582
At city rooming houses, heat is an especially potent threat - Aug. 1 ,2006
http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=478256
Housing initiatives proposed - Aug. 22, 2006
http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=486296
Agencies botched chances for aid
BY MEG KISSINGER
A Journal Sentinel investigation found that Milwaukee's social services
community has squandered opportunities to get and spend millions of dollars
in federal aid over the past several years.
Sept. 17 , 2006
http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=498530
Editorial: Lessons from Columbus
http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=498691
In an Ohio city, a will to provide homes
BY MEG KISSINGER
A host of steps can be taken to make sure people with mental illness live in
safe places. One of the first: Local bureaucrats need to stop ignoring the
problem and blaming each other.
Sept. 18 , 2006
http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=498727
Progress that Milwaukee can make
http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=498727
Video: Columbus, Ohio is creating supportive housing for its mentally ill
http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=498135
Audio Slideshow: The facilities and the people helped by them in Columbus
http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=498245
Editorial: Lessons from Columbus - Sept. 19, 2006
http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=498861
Housing quest intensifies - Sept. 20, 2006
http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=500914
Editorial: Seize this opportunity - Sept. 21, 2006
http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=502018
Letters - Society should recognize need for treatment - Sept. 23, 2006
http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=502354
County panel endorses borrowing for housing- Oct. 27, 2006
http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=523867
Starvation a factor in mental patient's death
BY MEG KISSINGER
Cindy Anczak was 33 years old, weighed 187 pounds when she was taken to the
Milwaukee County Mental Health Complex. So how is it that Anczak wound up
dying there five weeks later, in part by starvation?
Oct. 29, 2006
http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=524463
Timeline: The last days of Cindy Anczak
http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=524465
State investigating patient's death - Oct. 31, 2006
Woman went weeks without adequate food and hydration
http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=524839
Death leads to criminal inquiry- Nov. 2, 2006
http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=526267
County seeks 'safe' housing for mentally ill - Nov. 3, 2006
http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=526621
Editorial: The tragedy of Cindy Anczak - Nov. 6, 2006
http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=527528
Letters: Stories shed needed light on the mentally ill - Nov. 11, 2006
http://www.jsonline.com/story/?id=529674
Task force wants to shed light on mental illness - Nov. 19, 2006
http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=532807
Death of man with schizophrenia points out need for vigilance in care
system - Dec. 16, 2006
http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=542801
Top alert issued against complex - Dec. 23, 2006
http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=546803
Mental health complex outlines plan to protect patients - Dec. 28, 2006
http://www.jsonline.com/story/index.aspx?id=546803 |
|
|
| Back to top |
|
| |
|
Page 1 of 1
All times are GMT - 5 Hours
The time now is Thu Jul 24, 2008 4:45 pm
|
|
